Pandemics, intellectual property and 'our economy': A worldview analysis of Canada's role in compromising global access to COVID-19 vaccines.

Despite self-congratulatory rhetoric, Canada compromised COVID-19 vaccine equity with policies impeding a proposed global waiver of vaccine intellectual property (IP) rules. To learn from Canada's vaccine nationalism we explore the worldview - a coherent textual picture of the world - in a sample of Government of Canada communications regarding global COVID-19 vaccine sharing. Analysed documents portray risks and disparities as unrelated to the dynamics and power relations of the Canadian and international economies. Against this depoliticised backdrop, economic growth fueled by strict IP rules and free trade is advanced as the solution to inequities. Global vaccine access and distribution are pursued via a charity-focused public-private-partnership approach, with proposals to relax international IP rules dismissed as unhelpful. Rather than a puzzling lapse by a good faith 'middle power', Canada's obstruction of global COVID-19 vaccine equity is a logical and deliberate extension of dominant neoliberal economic policy models. Health sector challenges to such models must prioritise equity in global pandemic governance via politically assertive and less conciliatory stances towards national governments and multilateral organisations. Mobilisation for health equity should transform the overall health-damaging macroeconomic model, complementing efforts based on specific individual health determinants or medical technologies.

Technological Encounters in a Knowledge Economy: An Epistemic X-Ray.

Climate emergency is a planetary health and systems science challenge because human health, nonhuman animal health, and the health of the planetary ecosystems are coproduced and interdependent. Yet, we live in a time when climate emergency is tackled by platitudes and weak reforms instead of structural and systems changes, and with tools of the very same systems and metanarratives, for example, infinite growth at all costs, that are causing climate change in the first place. Seeking solutions to problems from within the knowledge frames and metanarratives that are causing the problems reproduces the same problems across time and geographies. This article examines and underlines the importance of an epistemological gaze on knowledge economy, an epistemological X-ray, as another solution in the toolbox of decolonial and other social justice struggles in an era of climate emergency. Epistemology questions and excavates the metanarratives embedded in knowledge forms that are popular, dominant, and hegemonic as well as knowledges that are silent, omitted, or erased. In this sense, epistemology does not take the "archives" of data and knowledge for granted but asks questions such as who, when, how, and with what and whose funding the archive was built, and what is included and left out? Epistemological choices made by innovators, funders, and knowledge actors often remain opaque in knowledge economies. Epistemology research is crucial for science and innovations to be responsive to planetary society and climate emergency and mindful of the social, political, neocolonial, and historical contexts of science and technology in the 21st century.

Informal Employment Under the Skin: Informality and Health Inequalities Among Chilean Workers.

Informal employment has been identified as an important social determinant of health. This article addresses the processes through which informal employment affects workers' health in Chile. The study's methodological approach was based on qualitative interviews with 34 formal and informal workers. The findings show how workers perceive informal employment as negatively affecting their mental and physical health through different dimensions of their living and working conditions. Incorporating a gender perspective proves to be integral to the analysis of these processes. The article concludes by discussing how neoliberalism underlies such vulnerability processes and negatively impacts on the population's health.

Meritocracia: uma ideologia em prol do Neoliberalismo / Meritocracy: an ideology in favor of Neoliberalism / Meritocracia: una ideología a favor del neoliberalismo

Este artigo visa mostrar como a meritocracia é uma ideologia que se imbrica no sistema capitalista neoliberal e promove a manutenção do status quo. Busca-se desnaturalizar a lógica meritocrática que se apresenta como inerente ao funcionamento social. Ela é mascarada pela aparência de ser a única proposta adequada para categorizar os sujeitos em seus devidos lugares, em uma sociedade de classes. A complexidade desse fenômeno, que se apresenta em um discurso lacunar, permite que sejam analisadas as brechas em que o próprio discurso meritocrático falha. Neste artigo, nos debruçaremos sobre tais lacunas, e verificaremos como essa ideologia, fundamentada pela lógica liberal, promove a legitimação das disparidades sociais. Para fazer essa análise, é necessário se esquivar da lógica individual, e verificar como, coletivamente, são produzidas e se mantidas superestruturas sociais que configuram as dimensões subjetivas da realidade. Não se propõe, portanto, um olhar ingênuo às estruturas sociais como "algo dado", e sim construído pelos agentes sociais que estão atravessados pela ideologia vigente (AU).

This paper aims to show how meritocracy is an ideology that is built-in the neoliberal capitalism and how it maintains the status quo. It seeks to denaturalize the meritocratic logic that presents itself as inherent to social functioning. Meritocracy is masked by the appearance of being the only appropriate proposal to categorize people to their standing in a class society. The complexity of this phenomenon, which is presented in a lacking discourse, allows one to analyze the gaps in which the meritocratic discourse itself fails. We intend to inspect such gaps, and see how this ideology, based on the liberal logic, promotes the legitimation of social disparities. In order to carry out this analysis, it is necessary to avoid the individualistic logic, and also to verify how social superstructures that compose the subjective dimensions of reality are produced and maintained collectively. Therefore, we do not propose a naive portrait of social structures as straightforward, but forged by the social agents who are mingled with the prevailing ideology (AU).

Este artículo tiene como objetivo mostrar cómo la meritocracia es una ideología que se inserta en el sistema capitalista neoliberal y promueve el mantenimiento del status quo. Buscamos desnaturalizar la lógica meritocrática que se presenta como inherente al funcionamiento social. Está enmascarado por la apariencia de ser la única propuesta adecuada para categorizar los asuntos en su lugar apropiado, en una sociedad de clases. La complejidad de este fenómeno, que se presenta en un discurso lacunar, permite analizar los vacíos en los que falla el propio discurso meritocrático. En este artículo examinaremos estas brechas y veremos cómo esta ideología, basada en la lógica liberal, promueve la legitimación de las disparidades sociales. Para realizar este análisis es necesario evitar la lógica individual y verificar cómo las superestructuras sociales que configuran las dimensiones subjetivas de la realidad se producen y mantienen colectivamente. Por tanto, no proponemos una mirada ingenua a las estructuras sociales como determinado, sino construidas por agentes sociales atravesados por la ideología imperante (AU).

Degrees of change: the promise of anti-racist assessment.

Assessment practices in Higher Education remain beholden to the twin pillars of neoliberal economic orthodoxy and White supremacy. The former has given rise to the modularization and commodification of education, wherein student performance is measured according to narrow and often meaningless metrics that foster and maintain ineffective assessment mechanisms. The latter imbues those metrics with a deference to, and valorization of, "Whiteness" as a marker of success, and this manifests in persistent awarding gaps across the sector. Critical Race Theory elucidates the ways in which the "banking model" of education and assessment is implicated in a history of colonial oppression that underpins contemporary experiences of marginalization for racially minoritized students. Furthermore, the rapid proliferation of Artificial Intelligence programs is now throwing into sharp relief the fact that traditional forms of assessment are no longer functional even on their own flawed terms. The authors argue that, at this critical juncture, Anti-Racist assessment, which not only exposes and problematizes racism itself but also embeds formative feedback, drafting, collaboration, and creativity into assessment practices, offers a practical solution that can reconceptualize 'academic excellence' and help to identify and support a different kind of 'good student', reshaping the employability agenda as a force for good and reclaiming the democratizing potential of Higher Education.

Historicizing psychedelics: counterculture, renaissance, and the neoliberal matrix.

In this essay, I would like to suggest that the historical transition of psychedelics from an association with counterculture to becoming part of the mainstream is related to the rise of what late cultural theorist Mark Fisher termed "capitalist realism"-the notion that there is no alternative form of social organization and, as such, capitalism simply is reality. For Fisher, the economic and political project of neoliberalism was the main agent behind this re-instauration of capitalist hegemony after its de-stabilization by the convergence of several radical forces at the end of the 1960s and early 70s, of which psychedelic "consciousness-expansion" was one. Thus, historicizing psychedelics within the shifts in political economy and culture associated with the "collective set and setting" of neoliberalism can serve both to understand the current shape and operations of the psychedelic "renaissance" as well as help us retrieve these substance's lost political potential. Concretely, this essay argues that such potential was not inherent to psychedelics but embedded in the political economy of the New Deal order, which supported both the formation of discourses, demands, and hopes based on "the social" and, relatedly, the idea that "the personal is political." As neoliberalism displaced this object of reference in favor of individualism, the personal was de-linked from the political and the dreams-and the threats-of psychedelic utopianism were successfully defused and forgotten. In the process, concretely, the anti-work and collective dimensions of the psychedelic counterculture have been all but lost as psychedelics have returned to enhance or treat individual brains-while leaving capitalist society unchallenged. In light of our ecological and social predicaments, the famous context-dependence of psychedelics can be a powerful reminder that, contra individualism, the social and political traverse the personal-and thus that to change the self in line with the psychedelic values of love and connection ultimately requires changing the world.

The Scylla State. A gendered understanding of the experiences of marginalised women in the United Kingdom.

Since the formation of the 2012 Coalition government, the UK has been subject to 12 years of neoliberal policy enacted with ferocity and vigour. This has comprised austerity measures including the retrenchment of welfare via the reshaping of the welfare state and public services according to business practices, ideals of individual responsibilisation and overwhelmingly, the notion of reducing the state's ideological and fiscal responsibility for equity and social welfare. The neoliberal state has been conceptualised by Loic Wacquant as a Centaur, boasting a liberal head, yet one atop an authoritarian body whose focus is the designated 'underclasses', the socially and economically non-compliant. The Centaur takes away with one hand while ruling punitively with the other, specifically via 'prisonfare' and 'workfare' to compel submission to precarious and sub-par employment. Although compelling, the Centaur State is justifiably critiqued for its blindness to gender and focus upon the manifestation of neoliberalism in the States. By exploring the stories of 23 women in the UK with histories of survival sex working and problematic drug use, a distinct gendered alternative reality emerges of the operation and machinations of the neoliberal state. Rather than a Centaur, marginalised women experience the Scylla State, a covert, hydra-headed beast motivated by neo-Victorian ideals of 'womanfare'. The operations of the Scylla State are unpredictable, replicate traumatising interpersonal experiences and variously involve surveillance, coercion, conditionality and the responsibilisation of victimhood to justify increasingly punitive responses to women's survival strategies in the face of increasing trauma and deprivation.

Exploring the Evidence for the Paradigms of Recovery and Social Work Converging in Mental Health Service Delivery Worldwide: Reflections from an Irish Case Study.

Recovery within mental health service delivery is no longer a new consideration in the Western world. However, it is well-documented how challenging its implementation and translation to practice and reality have been in contemporary mental health systems. In conjunction with this, mental health social work is continuously being challenged and debated in relation to its role, responsibilities, and identity in service delivery. This is largely the consequence of the continued dominance of the biomedical model in relation to service delivery. Yet, if we critically reflect on the philosophy and ethos of recovery, it becomes very clear that social work should be the key profession to lead the development and improvement of recovery-orientated services across the globe. To illustrate this argument, the authors first draw on empirical research undertaken by the lead author within the Republic of Ireland on how recovery is socially constructed within mental health service delivery. The key stakeholders involved in the Irish study included professionals, service users, family members, and policy influencers, with participants taking part in semi-structured interviews. Secondly, the authors reflect on some of the findings from this Irish study, presenting an argument for not only a more significant role for social work in an Irish mental health context but also making comparisons from an international perspective. This includes exploring the role of critical social work traditions for supporting services to move beyond a philosophy of recovery that has, to date, overlooked the intersectional injustices and inequalities faced by hard-to-reach populations. Finally, the authors conclude by providing some possibilities for how the paradigms of social work and recovery can and should continue to converge towards each other, opening a space for social work to become a more dominant perspective within mental health systems worldwide.

Looking Beyond the Lamp Post: Health Inequality in the Times of COVID-19.

In times of a pandemic, the world lives in the throes of colossal economic and public health crises. The world seems unprepared and ill-equipped to cater to the catastrophic pandemic of COVID-19. The apocalyptic infectious diseases keep revisiting to expose the global widening economic and health inequalities. This review in its different sections argues that with the "financialization of everything," a new consciousness comprising a more general heightened sense of awareness and interest in personal health and well-being pervades whereby citizens become customers. This effectively forefends the dynamics of interaction between the individual and her/his environment with its consequent impact on health and promotes an individuated risk and responsibility. Even in times of a pandemic, draconian state surveillance, lockdown, behavior modification, self-help, and self-care have emerged as guiding principles of public health. There is an urgent need for a radical reordering of the world order beyond the hegemonic, neoliberal, capitalistic ethos of rabid consumerism and unconstrained private profit.

Beyond a neoliberal critique of hunger: a genealogy of food charity in Aotearoa New Zealand.

Since the 1980s, foodbanks have become a widespread solution to addressing hunger within high-income countries. The primary reason for their establishment has been widely recognised as neoliberal policies, particularly those that led to massive cuts in social welfare assistance. Foodbanks and hunger have subsequently been framed within a neoliberal critique. However, we argue that critiques of foodbanks are not unique to neoliberalism but have deeper historical roots, meaning that the part neoliberal policies have played is not as clear-cut. In order to understand the normalisation of foodbanks within society, and gain a more extensive understanding of hunger and appreciation as to how this issue could be addressed, it is therefore important to gain a historical understanding of food charity development. In this article, we achieve this by presenting a genealogy of food charity within Aotearoa New Zealand, which witnessed a fluctuation in the use of soup kitchens during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and a rise of foodbanks in the 1980s and '90 s. Highlighting the historical parallels and major economic and cultural shifts that have allowed for the institutionalisation of foodbanks, we explore the patterns, parallels and differences exposed, and how they yield an alternative understanding of hunger. Using this analysis, we then discuss the wider implications of the historical foundations of food charity and hunger to better understand the role neoliberalism has played in the entrenchment of foodbanks, and advocate the importance of looking beyond a neoliberal critique in order to entertain alternative solutions to addressing food insecurity.

Aportes para la transformación del sistema de salud colombiano

El objetivo de este ensayo es aportar elementos para el debate sobre la crisis del Sistema General de Seguridad Social en Salud de Colombia, el derecho fundamental a la salud y sus implicaciones y, asimismo, proponer otros elementos para el nuevo sistema de salud que requiere el país, sin que se constituya este ensayo en un proyecto de reforma. El resultado del análisis muestra que la Ley 100 de 1993 no solo profundizó las inequidades, sino que además generó nuevas desigualdades evitables y regresivas, como la carencia de atención integral, el deterioro de la salud pública, la rentabilidad financiera por encima de los derechos de las personas, la negación de los servicios, la inadecuada regulación del Estado y la corrupción de la mayoría de sus actores. Las reformas a dicha ley, mediante las leyes 1122 de 2007 y 1438 de 2011, y la promulgación del derecho fundamental a la salud en la Ley 1751 de 2015, no han logrado cambios significativos en el sistema de salud, a pesar de la emisión de nuevas normas regulatorias esperanzadoras, dado que el sistema actual se basa en el neoliberalismo. La salud es producto de la acción social y no un mero resultado de la atención médica; en consecuencia, el derecho a la salud debe transcender de la enfermedad al bienestar, como garantía proporcionada por el Estado. La base de un nuevo sistema de salud será, sin duda, la dignidad humana en sus elementos objetivos y subjetivos, como máxima expresión del cumplimiento de los derechos humanos.

The objective of this essay is to contribute elements for the debate on the crisis of the General System of Social Security in Health of Colombia, the fundamental right to health and its implications, and thus to propose other elements for the new health system required by this country, without this essay constituting a reform project. The result of the analysis shows that Law 100 of 1993 not only deepened inequities, but also generated new avoidable and regressive inequalities, such as the lack of comprehensive care, the deterioration of public health, placing financial profitability above the rights of the people, the denial of services, the inadequate Government regulation and the corruption of the majority of its actors. The amendments to said law (Laws 1122 of 2007 and 1438 of 2011) and the promulgation of the fundamental right to health in Law 1751 of 2015, have not achieved significant changes in the health system, despite the issuance of hopeful new regulatory norms, given that the current system is based on neoliberalism. Health is a product of social action and not a mere result of medical care. Consequently, the right to health must go beyond illness to well-being, as a guarantee provided by the Government. The foundation of a new health system will undoubtedly be human dignity in its objective and subjective elements, as the highest expression of compliance with human rights.

O objetivo deste ensaio é fornecer elementos para o debate sobre a crise do Sistema Geral de Segurança Social em Saúde da Colômbia, o direito fundamental à saúde e suas implicações e, igualmente, propor outros elementos para o novo sistema de saúde que o país requer, sem que este ensaio comporte um projeto de reforma. O resultado da análise mostra que a Lei 100 de 1993 não só aprofundou as assimetrias, mas gerou novas desigualdades evitáveis e regressivas, como a ausência de atenção integral, a degradação da saúde pública, a rentabilidade financeira por cima dos direitos das pessoas, a negação dos serviços, a inadequada regulação do Estado e a corrupção da maioria de seus atores. As reformas de tal lei, por meio das leis 1122 de 2007 e 1438 de 2011, e a promulgação do direito fundamental à saúde na Lei 1751 de 2015, não atingiram câmbios significativos no sistema de saúde, apesar da emissão de novas normas regulatórias esperançosas, pois o sistema atual se baseia no neoliberalismo. A saúde é produto da ação social e não um mero resultado da atenção médica; em consequência, o direito à saúde deve transcender da doença para o bem-estar, como garantia providenciada pelo Estado. A base de um novo sistema de saúde será, sem dúvida, a dignidade humana em seus elementos objetivos e subjetivos, como máxima expressão do cumprimento dos direitos humanos.

Marketization in Crisis: The Political Economy of COVID-19 and the Unmaking of Public Transport in Stockholm.

While measures to prevent the spread of COVID-19 disturbed both global and local markets, some commentators also argued that the pandemic could be seen as the beginning of the end of neoliberalism. Although neoliberal reforms have come under pressure, little is known about the implications of COVID-19 in or across specific sectors. Scaling down the rich theoretical-historical debates about neoliberalism to the regional level, we study the impact of COVID-19 on the marketized public transport system in Stockholm, Sweden. During COVID-19, ridership dropped as did ticket revenues, which put the market under operational and financial distress. Drawing on a discussion of the norms and techniques of marketization, we probe how the contracted bus operators responded to the pandemic, how they tried to save the market from collapsing, and whether the measures taken suggest an organized move away from neoliberal policies. Adding to recent debates of COVID-19 and neoliberalism's longevity, we conclude that although the norms underpinning marketization remained unquestioned, the techniques were partly re-evaluated in the midst of the global crisis as a way to protect the established neoliberal policies from falling apart.

Building Back Better: Going Big with Emancipatory Sciences.

This commentary argues that precarity and inequity across the life course and aging has accelerated via the COVID-19 pandemic. President Biden's vaccination efforts, $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan Act, and Build Back Better framework reflect a paradigm shift to restore faith and trust in government that boldly confronts entrenched austerity ideologues. We offer emancipatory sciences as a conceptual framework to analyze and promote social structural change and epic theory development. Emancipatory sciences aim to advance knowledge and the realization of dignity, access, equity, respect, healing, social justice, and social change through individual and collective agency and social institutions. Epic theory development moves beyond isolated incidents as single events and, instead, grasps and advances theory through attempts to change the world itself by demanding attention to inequality, power, and action. Gerontology with an emancipatory science lens offers a framework and vocabulary to understand the individual and collective consequences of the institutional and policy forces that shape aging and generations within and across the life course. It locates an ethical and moral philosophy engaged in the Biden Administration's approach, which proposes redistributing - from bottom-up - material and symbolic resources via family, public, community, and environmental benefits.

Mental health coverage for forced migrants: Managing failure as everyday governance in the public and NGO sectors in England.

High-income countries (HICs) which are said to have "reached" universal health coverage (UHC) typically still have coverage gaps, due to both formal policies and informal barriers which result in "hypothetical access". In England, a user fee exemption has in principle made access to treatment for post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and other mental health conditions thought to be caused by certain forms of violence universal, regardless of immigration status. This study explores the everyday governance of this mental health coverage for forced migrants in the English National Health Service (NHS) and NGO sector. Fieldwork was conducted in two waves, in 2015-2016 and 2019-2021, including six months of participant observation in an NGO and 21 semi-structured interviews with psy professionals across 16 NHS and NGO service providers. Further interviews were conducted with mental health commissioners and policymakers, as well as analysis of grey literature. Despite being formally covered for certain types of mental health care, in practice asylum seekers and undocumented migrants were often excluded by NHS providers. Undocumented migrants were also often excluded by NGO providers. Several rationalities linked discursive fields to practices developed by psy professionals and other street-level bureaucrats to govern coverage, in a process of "managing failure". These rationalities are presented under three paired themes which draw attention to tensions and resistance in the governance of coverage: medicalisation and biolegitimacy; austerity and ethico-politics; and differential racialisation and decolonisation. Rationalities were associated with strategies and tactics such as social triage, clinical advocacy, obfuscation, evidence-based advocacy and silencing critique. The concept of "health coverage assemblage" is introduced to explain the complex, unstable, contingent and fragmented nature of UHC policies and programmes. Misrecognition and underestimation of the everyday work of health professionals in promoting, resisting and reproducing diverse rationalities within the assemblage may lead to missed opportunities for reform.

Aging Successfully in the Changing Norwegian Welfare State: A Policy Analysis Framed by Critical Gerontology.

BACKGROUND AND OBJECTIVES: In the 21st century, the future of the Norwegian welfare state is broadly debated. In Norway, as in other countries, concerns regarding the sustainability and affordability of the welfare state in light of the projected population development have been voiced in public and academic discourse, and not least in governmental statements and documents. Because we consider texts, such as government white papers, as both products and producers of discursively based understandings of the social world, a close examination of policy documents can provide insight into the predominant understanding of a distinct phenomenon in a specific society at a particular point in time. RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS: The article is based on a critical discourse analysis of 3 recent Norwegian government policy documents addressing the older adult population. RESULTS: We demonstrate that prominent ideas from the widely contested successful aging paradigm are embedded and forwarded in current Norwegian policies, where ideas about successful and healthy aging produced and reproduced in the documents frame and shape expectations toward older adults. DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS: We argue that the ideas and ideals of successful aging and neoliberalism in parallel pave the way for changes in the historically generous and comprehensive Norwegian social democratic welfare state. For decision makers, the rhetoric of successful aging that emphasizes activity, productivity, self-reliance, and freedom of choice is undoubtedly more convenient to communicate to the public than explicit arguments for the necessity of downscaling public services.

COVID-19 and the ecological crisis: What do they have in common?

This lecture transcript is divided in four parts. First, I examine the main public-health strategies in managing the COVID-19 pandemic. Although there are numerous factors capable of explaining national differences in COVID-19 mortality that are not attributable to merits or demerits of governments, I have identified five lethal errors (lack of preparation, misinformation, medicalisation, a policy approach based on a 'laissez-faire' attitude to the virus and social inequity) and four vital actions (testing, tracing, isolating with support, timeliness and immunisation) that best distinguish success or failure in tackling the pandemic. In the second part, I analyse the origin of SARS-CoV-2 and major risk factors for emerging zoonotic diseases (e.g. exploitation of animal wildlife, deforestation, agricultural intensification and climate change) to be addressed to prevent future pandemics. Then, I discuss the interrelationships between the COVID-19 pandemic and the ecological crisis in the context of the so-called neoliberal variant of capitalism. Both crises are largely determined by anthropogenic risk factors influenced by a model of economic development that prioritises infinite economic growth, free trade and a global self-regulating market over any other values of society (including human survival). An alternative economic approach, capable of creating a new balance between the health of humans, animals, and the environment (by modifying their structural drivers), is the most important antidote against new spillovers and climate change. It is the humanitarian immune response we need to protect global health from future pandemics and ecological collapse.

(Re)atualizações das relações de dependência com a neoliberalização do capital financeiro / (Re)updates of dependence relationships with the neoliberalization of financial capital

Resumo: A Teoria Marxista da Dependência, formulada por Rui Mauro Marini e outros, vem sendo atualizada por novas análises do recente estágio do capitalismo. O objetivo deste artigo é, além de oferecer elementos para esse debate, abordar as velhas e as novas expressões da dependência, especialmente, no Brasil. Conclui-se que o atual estágio do capitalismo recria velhas e novas formas de expropriações ao apropriar-se de bens públicos não mercantilizados para sua reprodução ampliada.

Abstract: The Marxist Theory of Dependency, formulated by Rui Mauro Marini and others, has been updated by new analyzes of the recent stage of capitalism. The objective of this article is, in addition to offering elements for this debate, it addresses the old and new expressions of dependence, especially in Brazil. It is concluded that the current stage of capitalism recreates old and new forms of expropriations by appropriating non-commodified public goods for their expanded reproduction.

O recrudescimento do cárcere em tempos de neoliberalismo e de conservadorismo no Brasil / The rise of prisoning in times of neoliberalism and conservativeness in Brazil

O artigo objetiva analisar os elementos e as interconexões que perpassam as relações sociais e a lógica punitiva no Brasil tendo como base os interesses do capital, discutindo seus desdobramentos nos processos de encarceramento no contexto neoliberal e conservador. A metodologia compreendeu estudo bibliográfico com análises do tema, entre outros, a partir de autores como Alexander (2017), Almeida (2019), Antunes (2011), Borges (2019), Foucault (2008), Mandel (1982), Marx (2013), Mészáros (2002) e Netto (2001), e o exame de documentos produzidos pelo Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (IBGE) e Departamento Intersindical de Estatística e Estudos Socioeconômicos (DIEESE). Em tempos de crise do capital sob a perspectiva do neoliberalismo e do conservadorismo, o punitivismo tem sido uma prática adotada pelo Estado, com o genocídio da população sobrante por meio do aparato repressivo e o encarceramento em massa. Os resultados apontaram as particularidades das estratégias ideológicas, jurídico-normativas e institucionais no Brasil a partir de parâmetros racializados, que estruturam e aprofundam as desigualdades histórica e socialmente construídas

The article aims to analyze the elements and interconnections that permeate social relations and the punitive logic in Brazil based on the interests of capital, discussing its consequences in the incarceration processes in the neoliberal and conservative context. The methodology comprised a bibliographical study with analyzes of the theme, among others, from authors such as Alexander (2017), Almeida (2019), Antunes (2011), Borges (2019), Foucault (2008), Mandel (1982), Marx (2013), Mészáros (2002) and Netto (2001), and the examination of documents produced by Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (IBGE) and Departamento Intersindical de Estatística e Estudos Socioeconômicos (DIEESE). In times of capital crisis from the perspective of neoliberalism and conservatism, punitivism has been a practice adopted by the State, with the genocide of the remaining population through the repressive apparatus and mass incarceration. The results pointed out the particularities of ideological, legal-normative and institutional strategies in Brazil based on racialized parameters, which structure and deepen historically and socially constructed inequalities

Os efeitos políticos e clínicos da governamentalidade neoliberal: um ensaio psicanalítico / Efectos políticos y clínicos de la gubernamentalidad neoliberal: un ensayo psicoanalítico / Clinical and political effects of neoliberal governmentality: a psychoanalytic essay

RESUMO. Motivados pela proposição metodológica foucaultiana de uma 'história do presente' e suas contribuições, este trabalho visa problematizar a emergência dos saberes pragmáticos e tecnológicos empresariais como ferramentas da governamentalidade neoliberal na construção do Homo Oeconomicus enquanto 'sujeito empresário de si', assim como debater seus efeitos para o sujeito e para as subjetividades contemporâneas. Através de uma revisão bibliográfica narrativa, partimos de uma possível interlocução da discussão foucaultiana com a constatação lacaniana do funcionamento do discurso do capitalista e seus efeitos clínicos e políticos, que vão desde a adoção de uma pragmática do apoliticismo até o limite da dessubjetivação do sujeito. Ressaltamos que o discurso neoliberal promoveu uma desterritorialização dos ideais transcendentes modernos e ofereceu como espaço de reterritorialização o mercado enquanto grande Outro (A), onde o real da luta de classes é apagado em nome de um ideal em que o sujeito reclama seu direito a um gozo ilimitado. Nesse cenário, apostamos numa posição subversiva e avessa para o sujeito frente às estratégias do discurso capitalista, posição esta que pode atuar como um modelo de resistência ao pior.

RESUMEN. Motivado por la propuesta metodológica foucaultiana de una 'historia del presente' y sus contribuciones, este trabajo tiene como objetivo problematizar el surgimiento del conocimiento empresarial pragmático y tecnológico como herramientas de gubernamentalidad neoliberal en la construcción del Homo Oeconomicus como un 'sujeto de autoemprendimiento', así como para debatir su efectos para el sujeto y para las subjetividades contemporáneas. Mediante revisión bibliográfica, partimos de una posible interlocución de la discusión foucaultiana con la observación lacaniana del funcionamiento del discurso del capitalista y sus efectos clínicos y políticos, que van desde la adopción de un apolitismo pragmático hasta el límite de la desubjetivación del sujeto. Hacemos hincapié en que el discurso neoliberal promovió una desterritorialización de los ideales modernos trascendentes y ofreció al mercado como un gran Outro (A) como un espacio para la reterritorialización, donde el real de la lucha de clases se borra en nombre de un ideal en el que el sujeto reclama su derecho a un disfrute ilimitado En este escenario, apostamos por una posición subversiva y opuesta para el sujeto en relación con las estrategias del discurso capitalista, una posición que puede actuar como modelo de resistencia a lo peor.

ABSTRACT. Moved by Foucault's methodological proposition of a 'history of the present' and its contributions, this work aims to problematize the emergence of the entrepreneurial pragmatic and technological knowledges as the neoliberal governmentality's tools in the construction of the Homo Oeconomicus as a 'subject entrepreneur of himself', as well as to debate its effects for the subject and the contemporary subjectivities. Through a bibliographic review, we start from a possible dialogue between the foucauldian discussion and the lacanian constatation of the operation of capitalism's discourse and its clinical and political effects, that range from the adoption of apoliticism's pragmatism to the limit of the subject's desubjectivation. We emphasize that the neoliberal discourse promoted a deterritorialization of the modern transcendent ideals and offered, as a space for reterritorialization, the market as the big Other (A), where the Real of the class conflict is erased in the name of an ideal in which the subject claims its right to an unlimited jouissance. In this scenario, we trust in a subversive and averse position for the subject in front of the capitalist discourse's strategies; such a position that can act as a model of resistance against the worse.

Focusing on "what matters": the Occupation, Capability and Wellbeing Framework for Occupational Therapy / Focando no "que importa": a Estrutura de Ocupação, Capacidade e Bem-estar para terapia ocupacional

Abstract Introduction Critical occupational therapists have challenged models from the Global North that have dominated occupational therapy and informed ableist practices focused on appraising dysfunctions, classifying deviations from bodily "norms", and remedying individuals' "deficits" in performing three occupations (self-care, productive, leisure). This indicated the need for a new conceptual framework; one grounded in research evidence derived from a diversity of people and contexts. Objectives To outline the imperative for, and genesis and features of an evidence-informed conceptual framework for occupational therapy, centred on occupations, capabilities and wellbeing. Methods This paper draws from the work of critical occupational therapists; outlining the conception and process of building a flexible framework by linking concepts identified through extensive review of multidisciplinary research from both the Global South and North. Results Building on evidence that occupation is a determinant of wellbeing, the Occupation, Capability and Wellbeing Framework for Occupational Therapy (OCWFOT, Hammell, 2020a) encourages a strengths-based approach to occupational therapy: assessing and building on individual, collective and community assets, abilities and resources; focusing on occupations that "matter most"; and fostering a relational view of people as interdependent and embedded within families and communities. Conclusion Focused unequivocally on the wellbeing needs and aspirations of individuals, families, groups, communities and populations that are met or unmet by current patterns of occupational engagement; on both abilities and opportunities; and on occupation as a human right, the OCWFOT is theoretically defensible, provides conceptual clarity, and has utility as an evidence-informed structure around which future research and practices may be oriented.

Resumo Introdução Terapeutas ocupacionais críticos têm desafiado modelos do Norte Global que dominaram a terapia ocupacional e informaram práticas capacitistas focadas em avaliar disfunções, classificar desvios das "normas" corporais e remediar os "déficits" dos indivíduos no desempenho de três ocupações (autocuidado, produtividade e lazer). Isso indicou a necessidade de uma nova estrutura conceitual, fundamentada em evidências de pesquisa derivadas de uma diversidade de pessoas e contextos. Objetivos: Descrever o imperativo, a gênese e as características de uma estrutura conceitual baseada em evidências para a terapia ocupacional, centrada nas ocupações, capacidades e bem-estar. Métodos: Baseado no trabalho de terapeutas ocupacionais críticos, delinea-se a concepção e o processo de construção de uma estrutura flexível, vinculando conceitos identificados por meio de extensa revisão de pesquisas multidisciplinares do Sul e do Norte globais. Resultados Com base nas evidências de que a ocupação é um determinante do bem-estar, a Ocupação, Capacidade e Bem-Estar para Terapia Ocupacional (OCWFOT, Hammell, 2020a) incentiva uma abordagem baseada em pontos fortes para a terapia ocupacional: avaliar e construir ativos individuais, coletivos e comunitários, habilidades e recursos; focar nas ocupações que "mais importam"; e promover uma visão relacional das pessoas como interdependentes e inseridas em famílias e comunidades. Conclusão Focado inequivocamente nas necessidades e aspirações de bem-estar de indivíduos, famílias, grupos, comunidades e populações que são atendidas ou não pelos padrões atuais de engajamento ocupacional; em habilidades e oportunidades; e sobre a ocupação como um direito humano, o OCWFOT é teoricamente defensável, fornece clareza conceitual e é útil como estrutura baseada em evidências em torno da qual futuras pesquisas e práticas podem ser orientadas.